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Additionally, if you give a frost aura at the right time which when traited via earth will also give protection , your looking at really solid damage reduction. Similarly you can give rebound at the right moment example, if the training group is about to accidentally fail the vg green mechanic.

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Also, in a training raid, there is a good chance your druid is still learning and unable to upkeep 25 might. Tempest can upkeep a little more than 10 might on 10 people, which combined with your still learning druid should still leave everyone might capped. I think Heal Scourge is a really good choice for a raid training You can pop barrier before mechanics that people might not dodge and insta-revive people who down.

It's a pretty hard carry Obviously a healing FB could probably carry harder with aegisspam, but this isn't a great training tool since people might not even realize they're face tanking mechanics if you're just blocking it for them. And then probably the best part is, once your group's out of the training phase, you can just swap to a dps class and run a solo-druid comp on appropriate bosses Nobody's really relying on a scourge for their healing ability or boons, so your druid will be pretty prepared to step up to the role as solo support.

Most encounters were not designed with barrier mechanics in mind. At the very least not in wings Yes, boons, cleanses, aegis, etc. Especially for training where it might be more important for people to notice that they got hit by something. That tempest healer putting out insane healing is great and a very good carry but will not heal past those 11k base hit points on your squishies.

Even if u get the kill the group wont get any actual training. On the contrary,next time, if they join a group without a heal necro to carry they'll just fail hard and still wonder what went wrong. If you are doing a pug FC and just wanna get guaranteed kills then its fine, but in training runs it just defeats the purpose.


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Most training runs are done incredibly inefficiently to begin with so they are not even learning scenarios because instead of picking up a few trainees with some degree of competency and being grown in skill withing a group of mentors, what you have is maybe one or two mentors and then a disparate group of people with wild gaps in skill competencies being recycled around where the group members aren't even the same throughout several training sessions, so every new training session you're dealing with different problem players stretching the group training thin.

In essence you get a person who needs practice with the final phase of Matthias but in the 2 days of training the consistency in getting to that phase for his or her practice is nonexistent since that person's practice is being held back by other people who aren't even prepared to make it past the first phases. And since the spots in existing statics are usually so few and often quite stringent beyond just having kills on a boss, these people may train and get a kill but rarely move on to grow the raiding community because they find that they can't consistently raid outside of PuGing which has even more outrageous barriers to entry so they quit altogether.

At least GW1 did a much better job in training people across story missions first, then optional objectives adding further challenge and ultimately elite missions. But all of them had zero zerging involved and emphasized the individual contribution of each group member by limiting group size. It's so frustrating to lead a training raid, even with a core group of experienced raiders when the group of people you train is so wildly different in skill. Why not run multiple training raids then? It boils down to 1 training raid for new players and 1 training run for experienced players per week, and even filling those can be a pain.

The performance and presence of some of the new raiders is terrible in general. This leads to essentially half a session of training, and half a session of running wing 4 b at the end so people remain motivated ending with boss kills for new players for the week. The most enjoyable trainings are with more experienced players where people at least know their class and have some experience with how raids work, but even there you have some disparity. Some go out and raid on their own with PUG groups and get weekly kills and experience, others only do the bare minimum and it really shows when tackling bosses which haven't been cleared for a while.

In theory yes, you won't get good practice on a heal necro since you skip a ton of mechanics. In reality though: unless you are working on the top end of the spectrum, that support is needed on almost all levels. Last week during training we killed VG with 5 people basically the experienced part of the group and moved on.

This week, where I had said we would do a set amount of training on VG no matter if it gets killed first try, no actually new player showed up. The best one can do currently is try to get people involved and interested in raids so they set out to practice and train on their own my old raid static required people to test new builds or classes in PUG raids before being allowed to play them in the static group or to improve if one was lacking performance.

That's just not something you see with many new raiders, and would also be to hardcore for a completely new player given the way how PUG groups operate. Anything beyond that is not at the level of new players entering raids but cannibalizing on already experienced players for advanced statics. This game is terrible at preparing players for group content.

See the sad state how people are able to deal or rather not deal with even basic normal T4 fractals. There rant done, sorry had to just vent. Sometimes it gets really frustrating trying to explain to people even basic game mechanics.

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That's certainly something other MMOs do way better be it via the innate trinity or some type of achievements. No, that has nothing to do with easy mode raids but rather with getting people to understand HOW this game works. And some of that is because this game really makes no effort in nurturing a baseline of skill proficiency, and the other part is just how unintuitive DPS is in this game. Because autoattack chains are interrupted and reset over skill usage, performance between people who can count autoattacks and those who do not creates serious differences, and because this game offers no UI modifications to suit player needs in keeping track of important skills and resources, only those with good working memory and internal clock skills perform well at DPS while others do so poorly.

Then there are people who complained about obscure mechanics like ether signet after cast with c split gimmicks being removed as affecting the skill ceiling of the class, but the fact is that this is a ridiculous way to increase class complexity or difficulty and that skill expression shouldn't be so completely obscure.

I far prefer the condi renegade model of complexity over gimmicks highly reliant on ping. But for now the raid and dungeon communities will continue to degrade as the development direction clearly places very little priority in supporting this kind of content and instead delivering the McDonald's of videogaming via the open world maps. It also doesn't help that for all the logistical investments in getting started on raids, the monetary returns for so much investment are pitiful compared to just farming some open world maps.

Which is why raid rewards should function purely on a raid currency of its own. I'm going to bump this because it's not just true now, it's been true since the beginning, even with dungeons. I can't agree more; Anet has done the worst job at preparing people for what they will encounter in endgame instanced content. As a capable player, it's such a turn off to try to explain to people why they actually have to learn something to be successful in this game, because the PVE experience they have had treats everyone at the lowest common denominator i.

I hate to say it, but if Anet wants players more involved with the game at large, we need scrub-level raiding. If you think balancing is only driven by performance and justified by comparisons to other classes then prepare to be educated:.

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So a max healing power max amount needed to reach the barriers full power build with dps stats Would be the best way to gear my Healing scourge? Now to figure out how much healing power is needed to reach the barriers full potential and find the best gear for dps. Plaguedoctor seems like a pretty bad choice here. Wasted stats by taking concentration 2. Pretty low amount of healpower. Heard some scourge running Rune of the pack so his allies get some extra might and fury Anyone tried that? Something like that could actually work?

Or is Superior rune of the flock just better all around? Can the fury not be covered by someone else?

How is Scourge now on raid training?

Do you want to give might and fury? Then you can run pack runes. It depends on what your goal is. I have the endless upgrade extractor and switch them out for other runes when I feel it's appropriate. Decide on what your goal as a Support Scourge is with your group and we can give you better advice. Not needed since if you are running heal scourge in raids, you can just run a druid as first heal and he will provide might and fury for the entire squad.

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Might and fury for the entire squad and some of the other utility is the reason why druids are still run as primary healer with alternating off healers. Except that druid doesn't usually as doing that requires either everyone in same sub or Storm Spirit. And Storm Spirit, if ever used, gets dropped first from utility bar if some encounter-specific utility is needed or if you have both condi and power dpsers in squad which means majority of bosses. Everyone in same sub For Sloth, druid usually brings stunbreak.

Same for MO. For Sam, druid often brings Glyph of Tides for Rigom. Majority of heal-scourges can't oilkite properly at Deimos so druid can't activate Storm Spirit to keep up fury 'cause oilkiting. Guess druid can drop Stone for Storm at Dhuum At Largos, if you happen to use heal-scourge, you need to bring might and fury for the sub since druid can't mightbot for your sub after split. Boonduration plox. Same for Cardinals unless you use boonthief for Adina which brings full fury.

Qadim 2. It's Kitty. The young lady who streams and records videos playing various non- metabuilds. VG - none of that is needed with a heal scourge, you have barrier. Sloth - druid bringing stunbreak is meta. Get 1 of your DH to bring along 10 mann stab, done. Matthias - again, you have a heal scrouge with barrier. Deimos - I wouldn't bring a heal scourge to Deimos in the first place.

SH - you are still bringing stone instead of using barrier. Slowly I have a feeling you have never actually had a heal scourge in your composition Largos - you bring two druids or you use portal strat. Once again, no stone needed Quadim - two druids or you have a way bigger benefit of having barrier than protection once again.

You are relying way to much on protection. But drugs were not simply a pretext to act. They also created the necessary conditions for a particular mode of action. The Colombian military, trained by the United States and seasoned in the Korean War, had tried for decades to implement a U. It was a lesson as old as the Cold War itself, taught almost by rote, from the docks of Marseilles, to the boulevards of Miami, to the mountains of Afghanistan, Laos, Bolivia, and Sinaloa. Between and , they exterminated the Patriotic Union, a leftist party that emerged from the peace process Ambassador Tambs had worked diligently to undermine.

Unlike his U. In eighteen months, Director Uribe issued almost as many flight and landing strip licenses as the government had in the previous twenty-seven years. One longtime ally told U. But initially, at least, drug money—and, later, paramilitary backing—was a tool to break the provincialism and clientelist venality of the Liberal Party machine.

A lawyer by training and latter-day apostle by oratory conceit, Uribe eschewed the booze-addled, vote-buying spectacle of traditional politics, working tirelessly to advance a new style of liberalism. According to a U. A subsidiary of Chiquita banana, which has confessed in U. Under Uribe, the since-disbanded presidential intelligence service operated as a paramilitary clearinghouse, spying on opposition targets and passing information to the death squads. His reelection in , though overwhelming, was paid for with key congressional bribes to extend the constitutional term limit.

Even the dramatic security turnaround for which Uribe is invariably credited came because of, rather than in spite of, the fundamental alignment between his administration and the narcoparamilitary project. When paramilitary commanders, unhappy with the new arrangement, reportedly decided to testify against him in , Uribe skipped the usual due process and express-shipped fourteen of them to the United States on drug charges, seizing the evidence they had been gathering. But the U. Research indicates that officers trained at the U. School of the Americas—rebranded the Western Hemisphere Institute for Security Cooperation, due to its infamous association with the Central American dirty wars—were more likely to preside over extrajudicial executions.

In , just months after the false positives scandal broke, President George W. Stymied by Republican obstruction at home, Obama had turned outward to secure his legacy. Over the Obama presidency, and especially after the disastrous bombing of Libya, forever war in Colombia had restored a sense of purpose to U. That same year, General John Kelly, then in charge of U. A lawyer by training and latter-day apostle by oratory conceit, Uribe eschewed the booze-addled, vote-buying spectacle of traditional politics.

But however meandering and perfidious the route, Santos never strayed too far from his Third Way idealism. Out of what he later described as a sense of patriotic duty, Santos accepted an appointment as minister of finance in , administering the economic shock therapy required by the IMF loan that accompanied Plan Colombia. In exchange, Santos was named minister of defense, a high-profile role that allowed him to take credit for institutionalizing Democratic Security.

But by the time he assumed the presidency in , Santos sensed that calamitous bloodshed had become counterproductive to the very agenda he once understood it to advance. A free trade agreement with the United States had languished for years in the Democratic-held Congress, due largely to union outrage over the killing of Colombian organizers. NGO awareness drives had tarnished the international branding of Colombian bananas, palm oil, coal, gold, and petroleum.

Santos, who ran his first-ever campaign on a promise to continue the Uribe legacy, showed characteristic adroitness in distancing himself once in office. Santos restored diplomatic relations with left-wing neighbors in Ecuador and Venezuela. Adopting a rhetoric of inclusivity and human rights, he reached out to marginalized Afro and Indigenous communities and apologized to victims of state and paramilitary violence. But the gesture enabled Obama, who had opposed the free trade agreement as a candidate, to pass it with wide margins in an otherwise divided Congress.

Neither country bothered to enforce the labor action plan attached to appease the unions. Trusting in their technocratic prowess and in the pacifying power of markets, Santos and Obama had every reason to believe they had succeeded in recalibrating the Colombian war machine. Already holding talks of their own, the National Liberation Army ELN , a smaller, less hierarchical guerrilla group formed in the same year as the FARC, would see the wisdom in disarmament. The following month, Donald Trump was elected president.

Both their campaigns even received illegal donations from Odebrecht, the infamous Brazilian construction giant. Duque bought an upscale condo in Washington just weeks after. A late infusion of mermelada —literally, marmalade, or, figuratively, government largesse—also helped Santos entice corrupt, regional caciques to deliver their votes.

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But the FARC talks were the deciding issue, and in a straight-up vote, with the left begrudgingly endorsing Santos, peace carried the day. Between then and the peace plebiscite, oil prices collapsed. For all the theoretical modernizing effects of market integration, Colombia was still hugely dependent on export commodities. If cocaine base paste glued the national political economy together through the neoliberal turn—binding urban and rural, center and periphery, legal and illicit, despotic right and revolutionary left—petroleum revenues kept the clunking machinery of state lubricated.

Uribe exploited the opportunity. He came out strong against the deficit stopgap sale of Isagen, the public utility company whose privatization had begun under his administration. He pitted the urban poor and precarious working classes against exaggerated handouts supposedly contained in the FARC accords. Why should you, the honest worker, have to suffer, while narcoterrorists and coca farmers get rewarded for their criminality? Newly traditionalist stances on familiar U. Largely as a result, coca substitution had yet to go into effect when ballots were cast in June.

Worsening violence against community leaders—more than five hundred have been killed since the FARC deal—contributed to a national sense of dread. This doomsday catastrophism had rung hollow during the Obama administration but resonated in terrible harmony with the caterwauling from Trumplandia. In , the DEA ascribed a supposed spike in U. Rubio denied any involvement, and, to be fair, Uribe has his own connections to ultra-right south Florida expats.

Even as his government negotiated substitution agreements with coca farmers, Santos had also attempted to placate the White House with forced eradication. When Vice President Mike Pence came to visit in August, he said Colombia would clear fifty thousand hectares by the end of , some thirty-two thousand more than the previous year.

Two months later, anti-riot police killed nine cocaleros blocking the entrance of manual eradication teams. But Duque is arguably the weakest Colombian president since the neoliberal Opening, and definitely the least original. Uribe reintroduced his new apprentice to Colombia in The strings that tether Duque to his master are structural. Uribe mediates his popular support. The Democratic Center occupies the Senate presidency and a plurality in Congress, which means Uribe also controls his legislative agenda. Duque is, by all accounts, highly capable. Duque, in other words, was selected to be the young, porcine face of an aging movement with one too many dismembered skeletons in its closet precisely because he does not have the clout to articulate his own agenda.

In , President George W. The Constitutional Court, which also heard arguments on glyphosate fumigation, seems likely to overturn them. The Democratic Center has long advocated for a constituent assembly to reform the—admittedly baroque, obstinate, often wildly corrupt—Colombian judiciary. Once called to session, though, a constituent assembly on justice could usher in a litany of unrelated overhauls: the total penalization of abortion, drastic limitations on indigenous and Afro collective land rights, the removal of the article that prevented the Eternal President from extending his term indefinitely, etc.

Losing the legal argument over transitional justice bolsters the political argument against the justice system writ large. At the center of the intensifying political fight over transitional justice is the issue of extradition. In April , the U. Many former FARC rebels interpreted his imprisonment as the final outrage in a series of broken promises and betrayals.

According to the government, some three thousand people now fill the ranks of new, drug-financed guerrilla armies. Whatever the merits of the case against Santrich, its handling can only be understood as a coordinated attack on the peace process. Uribe again came to his defense. Department of Justice refused to share that evidence with the JEP.

Duque has promoted eight officers with similar records to other key command positions. Armed with cellphone recorders, community members had interrupted soldiers digging a hole for his corpse in the dead of night. In , Casey had published a story on declassified U. At the time, the Uribe administration was threatening—and illegally wiretapping—another practitioner of fake news, legendary investigative reporter Daniel Coronell.